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“I remember thinking when I first came out ‘What’s more important to me, my Jewish or my gay identity?’ It’s not a question anybody should have to answer,” she said. Hence her mother’s head banging, and Kaplan’s own fear that she would have to choose between being Jewish and being a lesbian. Yet Kaplan says that their notion of Jewish womanhood entailed creating the same kind of family she grew up in: suburban, with a husband who would father children. Her parents were liberals, her mother a feminist. Roberta Kaplan was a talkative toddler and a born lawyer. That JD was the fulfillment of a lifelong dream - she says that she and everyone around her suspected from the time she was a toddler that someone who talked so much was a born lawyer. Kaplan, 51, came out to her parents in 1991, right after she graduated from law school. I don’t think the issues are all that different.” It’s just about different groups of people. “The Charlottesville case is also about equal dignity. Windsor, has been persuading the Supreme Court that the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) was unconstitutional, and winning for LGBTQ Americans like herself the right to marry.ĭOMA “was about the equal dignity of gay people,” Kaplan told the Forward. Her most high-profile achievement to date, United States v. From a private school in suburban Cleveland to Harvard College, Columbia Law School, white-shoe law firm Paul, Weiss and the Supreme Court bar, her affiliations are all exclusive. White supremacists hate the elite, and Kaplan is nothing but. Her plan is to use the law to make them pay for what happened in Charlottesville, even if it means garnishing their wages, and to make sure they don’t ever do anything like that again.
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If in Charlottesville, white supremacists wanted real life, in Kaplan, they got it, plus possible consequences. “They call me a chubby lesbian kike! I say I’m definitely chubby, I’m definitely a lesbian, I’m definitely Jewish.” “What do they say about me on Twitter?” Kaplan asked rhetorically and gleefully, in her booming voice. Kessler, the lawsuit she’d filed against Charlottesville’s alleged leaders.
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In March, she sat down with the Forward in her new law firm’s stylish offices on the 71st floor of the Empire State Building to talk about Sines v. Kaplan is a walking, talking combination of things that piss Peinovich and his ilk off, and she knows it. In her home state of Ohio, she helped Hillary Clinton campaign before the 2016 election. She wears pantsuits and a Star of David necklace.
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She’s a Jew, a lesbian and one of the country’s most celebrated trial lawyers. It also had the consequence - surely unintended by Peinovich and friends - of rousing against them a new and formidable enemy. The Charlottesville event achieved its stated purpose of bringing the haters together. For 24 hours, that colonial college town became a battleground overrun with men who considered themselves soldiers, bearing their chosen insignias: swastikas or Confederate flags. The “Unite the Right” rally, which commandeered the Virginia city last August, was the product of all this hard work.
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They deployed their full arsenal of websites, podcasts, social media accounts and even private computer servers. To begin the process of moving off the web and into real life, they decided to engineer a big, splashy event, a march they billed as a protest against the planned removal of a statue of General Robert E. With him in the White House, they started to see themselves as a true movement. They felt they had helped Trump get elected.
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Last July, white supremacists like Mike Peinovich and Richard Spencer were in the final throes of planning for what became known as “Charlottesville.” The months since the inauguration of President Trump in January 2017 had been filled with triumphs for him and his fellow travelers, racists of various stripes who operated mainly online.